Still my honest fame is my dearest concern; and a
thousand times have I trembled at the idea of those _degrading_
epithets that malice or misrepresentation may affix to my name.
thousand times have I trembled at the idea of those _degrading_
epithets that malice or misrepresentation may affix to my name.
Robert Burns
Graham of Fintray, a gentleman who has
ever been my warm and generous friend, I had, without so much us a
hearing, or the slightest previous intimation, been turned adrift,
with my helpless family, to all the horrors of want. Had I had any
other resource, probably I might have saved them the trouble of a
dismission; but the little money I gained by my publication, is almost
every guinea embarked, to save from ruin an only brother, who, though
one of the worthiest, is by no means one of the most fortunate of men.
In my defence to their accusations, I said, that whatever might be my
sentiments of republics, ancient or modern, as to Britain, I abjured the
idea! --That a CONSTITUTION, which, in its original principles,
experience had proved to be every way fitted for our happiness in
society, it would be insanity to sacrifice to an untried visionary
theory:--that, in consideration of my being situated in a department,
however humble, immediately in the hands of people in power, I had
forborne taking any active part, either personally, or as an author, in
the present business of Reform. But, that, where I must declare my
sentiments, I would say there existed a system of corruption between the
executive power and the representative part of the legislature, which
boded no good to our glorious CONSTITUTION; and which every patriotic
Briton must wish to see amended. --Some such sentiments as these, I
stated in a letter to my generous patron, Mr. Graham, which he laid
before the Board at large; where, it seems, my last remark gave great
offence; and one of our supervisors-general, a Mr. Corbet, was
instructed to inquire on the spot, and to document me--"that my business
was to act, _not to think;_ and that whatever might be men or measures,
it was for me to be _silent_ and _obedient. _"
Mr. Corbet was likewise my steady friend; so between Mr. Graham and
him, I have been partly forgiven; only I understand that all hopes of
my getting officially forward, are blasted.
Now, Sir, to the business in which I would more immediately interest
you. The partiality of my COUNTRYMEN has brought me forward
as a man of genius, and has given me a character to support. In the
Poet I have avowed manly and independent sentiments, which I trust
will be found in the man. Reasons of no less weight than the support
of a wife and family, have pointed out as the eligible, and, situated
as I was, the only eligible line of life for me, my present
occupation.
Still my honest fame is my dearest concern; and a
thousand times have I trembled at the idea of those _degrading_
epithets that malice or misrepresentation may affix to my name. I have
often, in blasting anticipation, listened to some future hackney
scribbler, with the heavy malice of savage stupidity, exulting in his
hireling paragraphs--"Burns, notwithstanding the _fanfaronade_ of
independence to be found in his works, and after having been held
forth to public view and to public estimation as a man of some genius,
yet quite destitute of resources within himself to support his
borrowed dignity, he dwindled into a paltry exciseman, and slunk out
the rest of his insignificant existence in the meanest of pursuits,
and among the vilest of mankind. "
In your illustrious hands, Sir, permit me to lodge my disavowal and
defiance of these slanderous falsehoods. BURNS was a poor man
from birth, and an exciseman by necessity: but I _will_ say it! the
sterling of his honest worth, no poverty could debase, and his
independent British mind, oppression might bend, but could not subdue.
Have not I, to me, a more precious stake in my country's welfare than
the richest dukedom in it? --I have a large family of children, and the
prospect of many more. I have three sons, who, I see already, have
brought into the world souls ill qualified to inhabit the bodies of
SLAVES. --Can I look tamely on, and see any machination to
wrest from them the birthright of my boys,--the little independent
BRITONS, in whose veins runs my own blood? --No! I will not!
should my heart's blood stream around my attempt to defend it!
Does any man tell me, that my full efforts can be of no service; and
that it does not belong to my humble station to meddle with the
concern of a nation?
I can tell him, that it is on such individuals as I, that a nation has
to rest, both for the hand of support, and the eye of intelligence.
The uninformed mob may swell a nation's bulk; and the titled, tinsel,
courtly throng, may be its feathered ornament; but the number of those
who are elevated enough in life to reason and to reflect; yet low
enough to keep clear of the venal contagion of a court! --these are a
nation's strength.
ever been my warm and generous friend, I had, without so much us a
hearing, or the slightest previous intimation, been turned adrift,
with my helpless family, to all the horrors of want. Had I had any
other resource, probably I might have saved them the trouble of a
dismission; but the little money I gained by my publication, is almost
every guinea embarked, to save from ruin an only brother, who, though
one of the worthiest, is by no means one of the most fortunate of men.
In my defence to their accusations, I said, that whatever might be my
sentiments of republics, ancient or modern, as to Britain, I abjured the
idea! --That a CONSTITUTION, which, in its original principles,
experience had proved to be every way fitted for our happiness in
society, it would be insanity to sacrifice to an untried visionary
theory:--that, in consideration of my being situated in a department,
however humble, immediately in the hands of people in power, I had
forborne taking any active part, either personally, or as an author, in
the present business of Reform. But, that, where I must declare my
sentiments, I would say there existed a system of corruption between the
executive power and the representative part of the legislature, which
boded no good to our glorious CONSTITUTION; and which every patriotic
Briton must wish to see amended. --Some such sentiments as these, I
stated in a letter to my generous patron, Mr. Graham, which he laid
before the Board at large; where, it seems, my last remark gave great
offence; and one of our supervisors-general, a Mr. Corbet, was
instructed to inquire on the spot, and to document me--"that my business
was to act, _not to think;_ and that whatever might be men or measures,
it was for me to be _silent_ and _obedient. _"
Mr. Corbet was likewise my steady friend; so between Mr. Graham and
him, I have been partly forgiven; only I understand that all hopes of
my getting officially forward, are blasted.
Now, Sir, to the business in which I would more immediately interest
you. The partiality of my COUNTRYMEN has brought me forward
as a man of genius, and has given me a character to support. In the
Poet I have avowed manly and independent sentiments, which I trust
will be found in the man. Reasons of no less weight than the support
of a wife and family, have pointed out as the eligible, and, situated
as I was, the only eligible line of life for me, my present
occupation.
Still my honest fame is my dearest concern; and a
thousand times have I trembled at the idea of those _degrading_
epithets that malice or misrepresentation may affix to my name. I have
often, in blasting anticipation, listened to some future hackney
scribbler, with the heavy malice of savage stupidity, exulting in his
hireling paragraphs--"Burns, notwithstanding the _fanfaronade_ of
independence to be found in his works, and after having been held
forth to public view and to public estimation as a man of some genius,
yet quite destitute of resources within himself to support his
borrowed dignity, he dwindled into a paltry exciseman, and slunk out
the rest of his insignificant existence in the meanest of pursuits,
and among the vilest of mankind. "
In your illustrious hands, Sir, permit me to lodge my disavowal and
defiance of these slanderous falsehoods. BURNS was a poor man
from birth, and an exciseman by necessity: but I _will_ say it! the
sterling of his honest worth, no poverty could debase, and his
independent British mind, oppression might bend, but could not subdue.
Have not I, to me, a more precious stake in my country's welfare than
the richest dukedom in it? --I have a large family of children, and the
prospect of many more. I have three sons, who, I see already, have
brought into the world souls ill qualified to inhabit the bodies of
SLAVES. --Can I look tamely on, and see any machination to
wrest from them the birthright of my boys,--the little independent
BRITONS, in whose veins runs my own blood? --No! I will not!
should my heart's blood stream around my attempt to defend it!
Does any man tell me, that my full efforts can be of no service; and
that it does not belong to my humble station to meddle with the
concern of a nation?
I can tell him, that it is on such individuals as I, that a nation has
to rest, both for the hand of support, and the eye of intelligence.
The uninformed mob may swell a nation's bulk; and the titled, tinsel,
courtly throng, may be its feathered ornament; but the number of those
who are elevated enough in life to reason and to reflect; yet low
enough to keep clear of the venal contagion of a court! --these are a
nation's strength.
