Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius.
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius.
Tacitus
It may have occurred also to Caecina to
remember his quarrels and rivalry with Valens, and to consider that,
as he did not stand first with Vitellius, he had better acquire credit
and influence with the new emperor.
After taking an affectionate and respectful farewell of Vitellius, 100
Caecina dispatched a body of cavalry to occupy Cremona. He soon
followed with the detachments of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth, and
Sixteenth legions in the van. The centre was composed of the Fifth and
Twenty-second, and in the rear of the column came the Twenty-first
Rapax and the First Italian legion, with detachments from the three
legions of Britain and a select force of auxiliaries. When Caecina had
started, Valens wrote instructions to the legions belonging to his old
command[455] to await him on the march, saying that he and Caecina had
arranged this. Caecina, however, took advantage of being on the spot,
and pretended that this plan had been altered so as to enable them to
meet the first outbreak of the war with their full strength. So some
legions were hurried forward to Cremona[456] and part of the force was
directed upon Hostilia. [457] Caecina himself turned aside to Ravenna
on the pretext of giving instructions to the fleet. Thence he
proceeded to Patavium[458] to secure secrecy for his treacherous
designs. For Lucilius Bassus, whom Vitellius, from a prefect of
auxiliary cavalry had raised to the supreme command of the two fleets
at Ravenna and Misenum, felt aggrieved at not being immediately given
the praefecture of the Guards, and sought in dastardly treachery the
remedy for his unjustifiable annoyance. It can never be known whether
he influenced Caecina or whether one was as dishonest as the other.
There is seldom much to choose between rascals. The historians[459] 101
who compiled the records of this war in the days of the Flavian
dynasty were led by flattery into adducing as the causes of the
rebellion patriotism and the interests of peace. We cannot think them
right. Apart from the innate disloyalty of the rebels and the loss
of character after Galba's betrayal, they seem to have been led by
jealousy and rivalry into sacrificing Vitellius himself for fear that
they might lose the first place in his favour.
Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius. Bassus found
the same task less difficult, for the fleet remembered that they had
lately been in Otho's service, and were therefore already on the
brink of rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] The narrative is here resumed from chap. 72.
[425] See chap. 68.
[426] The word 'cockney' may perhaps be admitted here to
express that which is characteristic of the metropolitan
masses. Similarly Petronius speaks of a man as 'a fountain of
cockney humour' (_urbanitatis vernaculae fontem_).
[427] They were cast for the part of Galba's avengers.
[428] Only detachments of these latter four were present, so
they had not got their eagles.
[429] Under the empire there were six tribunes to each legion,
and they took command on the march and on the field, acting
under the orders of the _legatus legionis_. The ten centurions
of the _pilani_ or front rank each commanded his cohort.
[430] See note 107.
[431] The end was so near.
[432] At Cremera, near Veii, the Fabii died like heroes, 477 B. C.
remember his quarrels and rivalry with Valens, and to consider that,
as he did not stand first with Vitellius, he had better acquire credit
and influence with the new emperor.
After taking an affectionate and respectful farewell of Vitellius, 100
Caecina dispatched a body of cavalry to occupy Cremona. He soon
followed with the detachments of the First, Fourth, Fifteenth, and
Sixteenth legions in the van. The centre was composed of the Fifth and
Twenty-second, and in the rear of the column came the Twenty-first
Rapax and the First Italian legion, with detachments from the three
legions of Britain and a select force of auxiliaries. When Caecina had
started, Valens wrote instructions to the legions belonging to his old
command[455] to await him on the march, saying that he and Caecina had
arranged this. Caecina, however, took advantage of being on the spot,
and pretended that this plan had been altered so as to enable them to
meet the first outbreak of the war with their full strength. So some
legions were hurried forward to Cremona[456] and part of the force was
directed upon Hostilia. [457] Caecina himself turned aside to Ravenna
on the pretext of giving instructions to the fleet. Thence he
proceeded to Patavium[458] to secure secrecy for his treacherous
designs. For Lucilius Bassus, whom Vitellius, from a prefect of
auxiliary cavalry had raised to the supreme command of the two fleets
at Ravenna and Misenum, felt aggrieved at not being immediately given
the praefecture of the Guards, and sought in dastardly treachery the
remedy for his unjustifiable annoyance. It can never be known whether
he influenced Caecina or whether one was as dishonest as the other.
There is seldom much to choose between rascals. The historians[459] 101
who compiled the records of this war in the days of the Flavian
dynasty were led by flattery into adducing as the causes of the
rebellion patriotism and the interests of peace. We cannot think them
right. Apart from the innate disloyalty of the rebels and the loss
of character after Galba's betrayal, they seem to have been led by
jealousy and rivalry into sacrificing Vitellius himself for fear that
they might lose the first place in his favour.
Thus when Caecina
joined his army,[460] he used every device to undermine the staunch
fidelity of the centurions and soldiers to Vitellius. Bassus found
the same task less difficult, for the fleet remembered that they had
lately been in Otho's service, and were therefore already on the
brink of rebellion.
FOOTNOTES:
[424] The narrative is here resumed from chap. 72.
[425] See chap. 68.
[426] The word 'cockney' may perhaps be admitted here to
express that which is characteristic of the metropolitan
masses. Similarly Petronius speaks of a man as 'a fountain of
cockney humour' (_urbanitatis vernaculae fontem_).
[427] They were cast for the part of Galba's avengers.
[428] Only detachments of these latter four were present, so
they had not got their eagles.
[429] Under the empire there were six tribunes to each legion,
and they took command on the march and on the field, acting
under the orders of the _legatus legionis_. The ten centurions
of the _pilani_ or front rank each commanded his cohort.
[430] See note 107.
[431] The end was so near.
[432] At Cremera, near Veii, the Fabii died like heroes, 477 B. C.
