High as
were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks.
were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks.
Tacitus
'
[389] Their names are given i. 77.
[390] Dio tells us that he and his father were murdered by
Nero's slave Helios. He was probably related to M. Licinius
Crassus Frugi, who was convicted of treason against Nero (see
note 79), and to Piso, Galba's adopted successor.
THE REVOLT OF VESPASIAN
When once his couriers brought news from Syria and Judaea that the 73
East had sworn allegiance to him, Vitellius' vanity and indolence
reached a pitch which is almost incredible. For already, though the
rumours were still vague and unreliable, Vespasian's name was in
everybody's mouth, and the mention of him often roused Vitellius to
alarm. Still, he and his army seemed to reck of no rival: they at once
broke out into the unbridled cruelty, debauchery and oppression of
some outlandish court.
Vespasian, on the other hand, was meditating war and reckoning all 74
his forces both distant and near at hand. He had so much attached his
troops to himself, that when he dictated to them the oath of
allegiance and prayed that 'all might be well' with Vitellius, they
listened in silence. Mucianus' feelings were not hostile to him, and
were strongly sympathetic to Titus. Tiberius Alexander,[392] the
Governor of Egypt, had made common cause with him. The Third
legion,[393] since it had crossed from Syria into Moesia, he could
reckon as his own, and there was good hope that the other legions of
Illyria would follow its lead. [394] The whole army, indeed, was
incensed at the arrogance of Vitellius' soldiers: truculent in
appearance and rough of tongue, they scoffed at all the other troops
as their inferiors. But a war of such magnitude demands delay.
High as
were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks. He realized that
it would be a critical day for him when he committed his sixty summers
and his two young sons to the chances of war. In his private ambitions
a man may feel his way and take less or more from fortune's hands
according as he feels inclined, but when one covets a throne there is
no alternative between the zenith of success and headlong ruin.
Moreover, he always kept in view the strength of the German army, 75
which, as a soldier, he realized. His own legions, he knew, had no
experience of civil war, while Vitellius' troops were fresh from
victory: and the defeated party were richer in grievances than in
troops. Civil strife had undermined the loyalty of the troops: there
was danger in each single man. What would be the good of all his horse
and foot, if one or two traitors should seek the reward the enemy
offered and assassinate him then and there? It was thus that
Scribonianus[395] had been killed in Claudius' reign, and his
murderer, Volaginius, raised from a common soldier to the highest
rank. It is easier to move men in the mass than to take precautions
against them singly.
These anxieties made Vespasian hesitate. Meanwhile the other 76
generals and his friends continued to encourage him. At last Mucianus
after several private interviews went so far as to address him in
public. 'Everybody,' he said, 'who plans some great exploit is bound
to consider whether his enterprise serves both the public interest and
his own reputation, and whether it is easily practicable or, at any
rate, not impossible. He must also weigh the advice which he gets. Are
those who offer it ready to run the risk themselves? And, if fortune
favours, who gains the glory?
[389] Their names are given i. 77.
[390] Dio tells us that he and his father were murdered by
Nero's slave Helios. He was probably related to M. Licinius
Crassus Frugi, who was convicted of treason against Nero (see
note 79), and to Piso, Galba's adopted successor.
THE REVOLT OF VESPASIAN
When once his couriers brought news from Syria and Judaea that the 73
East had sworn allegiance to him, Vitellius' vanity and indolence
reached a pitch which is almost incredible. For already, though the
rumours were still vague and unreliable, Vespasian's name was in
everybody's mouth, and the mention of him often roused Vitellius to
alarm. Still, he and his army seemed to reck of no rival: they at once
broke out into the unbridled cruelty, debauchery and oppression of
some outlandish court.
Vespasian, on the other hand, was meditating war and reckoning all 74
his forces both distant and near at hand. He had so much attached his
troops to himself, that when he dictated to them the oath of
allegiance and prayed that 'all might be well' with Vitellius, they
listened in silence. Mucianus' feelings were not hostile to him, and
were strongly sympathetic to Titus. Tiberius Alexander,[392] the
Governor of Egypt, had made common cause with him. The Third
legion,[393] since it had crossed from Syria into Moesia, he could
reckon as his own, and there was good hope that the other legions of
Illyria would follow its lead. [394] The whole army, indeed, was
incensed at the arrogance of Vitellius' soldiers: truculent in
appearance and rough of tongue, they scoffed at all the other troops
as their inferiors. But a war of such magnitude demands delay.
High as
were his hopes, Vespasian often calculated his risks. He realized that
it would be a critical day for him when he committed his sixty summers
and his two young sons to the chances of war. In his private ambitions
a man may feel his way and take less or more from fortune's hands
according as he feels inclined, but when one covets a throne there is
no alternative between the zenith of success and headlong ruin.
Moreover, he always kept in view the strength of the German army, 75
which, as a soldier, he realized. His own legions, he knew, had no
experience of civil war, while Vitellius' troops were fresh from
victory: and the defeated party were richer in grievances than in
troops. Civil strife had undermined the loyalty of the troops: there
was danger in each single man. What would be the good of all his horse
and foot, if one or two traitors should seek the reward the enemy
offered and assassinate him then and there? It was thus that
Scribonianus[395] had been killed in Claudius' reign, and his
murderer, Volaginius, raised from a common soldier to the highest
rank. It is easier to move men in the mass than to take precautions
against them singly.
These anxieties made Vespasian hesitate. Meanwhile the other 76
generals and his friends continued to encourage him. At last Mucianus
after several private interviews went so far as to address him in
public. 'Everybody,' he said, 'who plans some great exploit is bound
to consider whether his enterprise serves both the public interest and
his own reputation, and whether it is easily practicable or, at any
rate, not impossible. He must also weigh the advice which he gets. Are
those who offer it ready to run the risk themselves? And, if fortune
favours, who gains the glory?
